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Thirty-nine trillion reasons

Federico Rivi by Federico Rivi
July 13, 2026
in Feature
Scandalo derivati: multa di $46 milioni a nove banche per presunta cospirazione
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American sovereign debt follows a fiscal trajectory that no central bank can correct from within

In mid-March 2026, the gross debt of the United States surpassed 39 trillion dollars – the threshold was crossed on 17 March, according to the US Treasury. Debt held by the public – the portion that truly weighs on bond markets – exceeded 31 trillion. The Congressional Budget Office estimates a deficit of 1.9 trillion for fiscal year 2026 and, in its February 2026 projection, puts debt held by the public at roughly 56.2 trillion dollars – equal to 120% of GDP – by 2036. These are numbers you read once, immediately forget because they are impossible to picture, and which keep accumulating regardless.

The manager changes; the architecture stays

Every political cycle produces its own diagnosis of the debt: too much spending, insufficient taxes, the Fed too accommodating, the Fed too restrictive. The diagnosis changes; the debt rises. The reason is that the fiat legal-tender monetary system allows – and structurally incentivises – deficit spending without any automatic correction mechanism. When the cost of debt becomes unsustainable, the central bank can always purchase government securities, push real rates down through inflation, or both. The result is that the sovereign budget constraint exists on paper and is bypassed in practice. Inflation is the release valve purpose-built for this architecture.

Reform proposals that remain inside this perimeter – deficit rules, debt ceilings, price-stability mandates – redistribute the pressure without eliminating it. The American debt ceiling is the textbook case: raised systematically every time the limit is reached, converted into a legislative routine, stripped of any disciplinary function. The Fed’s independence is a legal fiction that holds only as long as Congress feels no urgency to change it. Warsh may be a more rigorous banker than Powell: the management changes, the structure remains.

The individual exit from the system

If the diagnosis is correct – the fiat system generates debt structurally, and internal reforms redistribute its weight without eliminating it – then the relevant question becomes: what can an individual who has understood the mechanics of the problem actually do? The traditional answers are gold, real estate, equities. All three share a common flaw: they depend on institutions – custodian banks, land registries, financial intermediaries – that operate inside the same system and are subject to the same political pressures. In moments of acute fiscal stress, these assets have historically been taxed, requisitioned, or devalued by decree.

Bitcoin has a different property: its issuance is determined by a protocol that no central bank can modify and no government can inflate. It is a rule-set that exists independently of any state’s fiscal appetite, with direct custody and transfer without intermediaries. As Jeff Booth has argued, Bitcoin is a protocol, not an asset in the conventional sense. This is why American sovereign debt at 39 trillion – and its projection to 56 – is the strongest structural argument for Bitcoin: it makes visible the difference between a system designed to defer costs and one designed to be incapable of doing so.

The cost that never appears on the balance sheet

There is a final dimension that CBO projections do not capture: the cost of inflation as a silent form of default. When debt is eroded by inflation, those who pay are the holders of money and fixed-rate bonds – in practice, savers with the fewest hedging tools. The progressivity of inflation is the inverse of that of taxation: it hits hardest those with the least access to real assets. The system redistributes the cost of debt downward along the wealth ladder, without any parliamentary vote, without any explicit deliberation.

The American fiscal trajectory is therefore also a question of distributive equity, not only of macroeconomics. Proposals that remain inside the fiat perimeter – including a state strategic reserve of bitcoin – leave this dynamic intact. They shift who holds which asset; the mechanism by which the cost of debt is offloaded onto those with no alternative remains unchanged. The question, then, is as simple as it is uncomfortable: if the system is designed to shift costs onto those with no way out, what is the value of having one?

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